Politics in India is much beyond public meetings for venting out frustrations, family domination- feuds, resignation dramas and abusing opponents. There are bigger issues that our country is facing. If you are sitting comfortably at home and are safe, it becomes your responsibility to know how Manipur is burning. It is a high tie everyone votes, has an opinion and knows the history and reality both.
On Wednesday, violence broke out at many locations in Manipur during tribal groups’ protests against the Meitei community’s desire for ST status. At other locations throughout the state, where there was widespread arson, protests by the ethnic groups descended into violence. According to the chief minister of Manipur, N Biren Singh, both lives and property have been lost as a result of the violence. To control the situation, the army and paramilitary forces have been deployed, a curfew has been enforced in eight districts, and mobile internet connections have been suspended throughout the state.
The first incident of the recent violence occurred in the Churachandpur district on April 27 when a crowd organised by the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) set a recently built gym/sports complex on fire a day before Chief Minister N Biren Singh was supposed to open it. The state government’s projected survey of wetlands and protected forests, as well as the destruction of three unlicensed churches, were the targets of the protests by the tribal communities. Security forces responded quickly to the situation, but on May 3, All Tribal Student Union Manipur (ATSUM) organised a “Tribal Solidarity March” in the Torbung neighbourhood of Churachandpur district to protest the demand for the Meitei community to be classified as a Scheduled Tribe (ST). Tyres and other items were set ablaze by protesters on the highways, which sparked arson and mayhem.
Similar demonstrations in favour of the ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ were place in several other locations throughout Manipur, and many of them descended into violence. Both the non-tribal Imphal West, Kakching, Thoubal, Jiribam, and Bishnupur districts and the tribally dominant Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, and Tengnoupal districts had violent outbursts. Authorities claim that hostile and aggressive remarks shared on social media-fueled violence, which is why mobile internet services were shut off for five days.
While the tribal groups have long opposed the Meitei community’s demand for ST status, a Manipur High Court order on March 27 directing the Manipur state government to submit recommendations to the union government for the inclusion of Meitei in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list, sparked the recent protests and violence. Following multiple petitions submitted by Meitei activists requesting the abovementioned directive, the court issued the ruling. The state administration was reprimanded by the high court for delaying the matter for more than ten years. The Manipur government was requested by the union ministry of tribal affairs in May 2013 to submit a formal recommendation along with the most recent socioeconomic survey and ethnographic report, however, it did not comply.
The Scheduled Tribes Demand Committee of Manipur Valley (STDCM) sent a memo to the governor in November 2012 that served as the impetus for the Meities’ demands. The committee then presented the demand to Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh in December 2012, and to Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh in July 2013. However, the PM instructed them to speak with the state cabinet about the issue. The hills vs. plains conflict have been extended to include practically all of the northeastern states in the ongoing battle between Meiteis and “tribals.” In Manipur, tribal communities make up about 40% of the population, with Meiteis making up the majority community with about 53% of the total. In Manipur, there are 34 recognised tribes, which can be largely divided into Kuki/Zomi tribes (16%) and Naga tribes (24%) by population.
The majority of the Meitei community members hold OBC status, while some of them are classed as SCs, despite the Naga and Kuki tribes being included on the ST list. In addition, while the tribal people are Christians, the majority of Meiteis are Hindus, with some also identifying as Muslims and Animists. Along with the Hindu Meitei community, the Meitei Pangal, a Muslim Meitei community, is requesting ST classification. However, because the rest of the state is categorised as tribal regions, the Meiteis are only able to occupy about 10% of the state’s total land area. They reside in the state’s tiniest plains region, the Imphal Valley, whereas tribal people live exclusively elsewhere in the protected Hill Areas.
As non-tribals, Meitei people are prohibited from purchasing land in more than 90% of the state. It is noteworthy that the government of Manipur has designated 90% of the state’s land as Hill Areas under the terms of Article 371C of the Constitution. While relevant statutes established by the assembly constitute village authorities, the same Article also provides for the formation of a Hill Areas Committee made up of MLAs from Hills Areas. Non-tribal people are not permitted to buy land in the Hills regions that have been notified by the committee or the government. The Hills Area has eleven districts, compared to the Imphal Valley’s five. In addition to the Meteis, other non-tribal residents of the valley include people from neighbouring Indian states and immigrants, notably unauthorised migrants from Myanmar. In contrast, only indigenous people are permitted to purchase land in the hill districts.
Meiteis possessed Scheduled Tribal status before 1949, but they lost it when the state joined with India in October 1949, according to the appeal by the Meetei (Meitei) Tribe Union that led to the High Court judgement. The Meitei community was not included in any of the Scheduled Castes (SC) or Scheduled Tribes (ST) groups that were established in India under Articles 341 and 342 of the constitution, apparently because they are caste Hindus. Not having SC-ST status was not a significant deal at the time, but later on, the Meiteis began to seek reserved status, and things changed. They were given OBC classification when the Mandal Commission report was put into effect, making them eligible for reservation in government positions and places in educational institutions. In Manipur, the ST quota is 31%, the OBC quota is 17%, and the SC quota is 2%.
Apart from ST status, Meiteis are also demanding NRC in the state, alleging large-scale illegal immigration in the state, which is being opposed by the tribes. The Naga community has distanced itself from recent protests and violence, even though both the Naga and Kuki tribes oppose the Meitei claim for ST status. The Kuki tribes are mostly responsible for the recent unrest and violence. While the Tribal Solidarity March was held throughout the entire state, it was peaceful in the Naga regions while violence predominated in the Kuki regions.
The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum has been criticised by several Naga organisations, including the Maram Union, Mao Union, and Rongmei Naga Council Manipur, for being a young body that does not fully represent tribal people. In a statement released last month, the Rongmei Naga Council Manipur claimed that the ITLF’s acts were contrary to the wishes and integrity of the indigenous tribes. “Some classes of people have made it a daily habit to cause disorder among the state’s peace- and tranquillity-loving citizens. The indigenous Rongmei people make it clear once and for all that they are unaware of the existence of such a fictitious forum and appeal to all morally upright indigenous tribes to refrain from attending the march, the Naga kid had added.
According to the tribal organisations, Meiteis already have reservations as OBCs and are attempting to take their employment by applying to become STs. They also assert that the Meitei community is already developed and does not need the advantages of reservation. The tribal organisations assert that the majority community is the dominant community in the state by citing the fact that 40 of the state’s 60 MLAs are from the Meitei tribe.
They assert that Meiteis are wealthier than tribals, have more political and administrative clout than all other Manipur tribes combined, hold the majority of positions of authority, run the state’s largest corporations and institutions, and enjoy a relative advantage over tribals in terms of social, educational, and economic standing. The All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur (ATSUM) wrote to Kiren Rijiju, minister of union law, stating that “the Meetei/Meitei community’s outstanding performance in the fields of technology, medicine, engineering, sports, and civil services under UPSC is indicative of their advancement.”
The tribal organisations contend that Meiteis have generally higher educational credentials than Nagas and Kukis and that if they are admitted as STs, they will seize all jobs designated for STs.All of the seats currently reserved for ST will be filled by Meiteis if the government recognises the advanced Meitei community as ST. The Meiteis insist on being included in the ST category despite already receiving reservations under the SC and OBC categories to benefit from the advantages now given to hill tribes, according to ATSUM. Furthermore, they contend that because the Meitei language has a written script and is listed in the constitution’s eighth schedule rather than other indigenous languages, the Meitei community is ineligible for protected status.
In addition, they assert that the Hindu Meiteis intend to purchase land from tribes in protected highlands areas, which is something they oppose. The tribal groups also contend that the Meiteis, who are considered to be plain people, were left off the ST list because they no longer possess the “primitive and distinctive” characteristics necessary to qualify as tribal. The tribal tribes also assert that because of the social division between the inhabitants of the valley and those of the hills, and since the inhabitants of the plains once referred to the tribals with pejorative terms like “Haos,” the Meiteis were initially content to not be categorised as tribals. Meiteis, however, refute the idea that they are pursuing ST designation to obtain reserved positions. They contend that the Meetei will cease to be considered an indigenous community without the status of the scheduled tribe. They contend that the issue is more about safeguarding the people’s land, culture, and identity, which cannot be done without ST status than it is about providing reservations in jobs and educational institutions and tax breaks.
They contend that illegal immigrants from Myanmar and other countries pose a persistent danger to their ancestral lands, culture, and identity and that this is why they want protected status. The Meitei community rejects the assertion made by ATSUM that they have lost their tribal identity, arguing that despite adhering to Hinduism, they continue to practise ancient animist rituals, are members of the mongoloid race, geographically isolated, economically behind the national average, and make up a tiny minority, all of which meet the requirements for being recognised as Scheduled Tribes.
According to the Meitei community, only tribe members are permitted to purchase land in hill districts, while everyone else, including non-tribals, is free to do so in the valley. The Meitei community is only permitted to purchase land in 10% of the state. They claim that as a result, they are now at a loss for land. The community has been victimised without any constitutional protections up to this point, according to the Meetei (Meitei) Tribe Union, as a result of not being included on the ST list. In their ancient homeland, the Meitein/Meetei have gradually been pushed to the margins. According to figures from the 2011 Census, their population, which made up 59% of Manipur’s overall population in 1951, has now fallen to 44%.
The Meiteis also assert that there is another reason why the tribals are protesting and that the violent demonstration against the quest for ST status is only a front. They contend that the underlying objective is to inspect the forestland and remove illegal immigrants from areas that are designated as protected. The Meitei parties claim that illegal immigration is the cause of Manipur’s unexpected population boom, which has a growth rate of 24.5% compared to the national average of 17.64%. They claimed that Manipur’s hill regions had seen an unusual upsurge and mushrooming of villages. They said that this very rapid population expansion could not be due to natural birth and that it was instead the product of migration from nearby nations. They claim that Manipur’s forest land is being occupied by Kuki immigrants from Myanmar, who are being supported by the indigenous Kuki population. The state government has initiated an eviction drive after becoming aware of the issue, but the tribal organisations are resisting it.
The All Meitei Council’s Chand Meetei Pocshangbamof stated, “Kukis are unlawfully crossing the border from Myanmar into Manipur and occupying forest land. The Manipur government has begun an eviction campaign to remove unauthorised encampments from reserve forest areas. Only the Kukis are protesting even though the drive took place in all of the areas, including those Meiteis and Muslims call home. To identify illegal immigrants, Meiteis are requesting that a National Registrar of Citizens (NRC) be established in the state. “Due to the dramatic population increase in the previous 20 years in districts bordering Myanmar, Meiteis are calling for an NRC. Since the 1970s, illegal immigrants from Myanmar have been settling in Manipur, but the migration has recently picked up steam, according to Pocshangbamof. The state government’s designation of 38 villages in the Churachandpur-Khoupum Protected Forest area as “illegal settlements” and their occupants as “encroachers” is noteworthy. Following this, the government started an eviction campaign that resulted in conflict. Tribal groups are opposed to the government’s announcement of a survey of forest regions to look for encroachment.
The demonstrators, according to Chief Minister N Biren Singh, were contesting constitutional issues. In his statement, he said that “the people there were encroaching reserved forests, protected forests, and wildlife sanctuaries for poppy plantation and drugs business.” The eviction and the survey, according to the tribal groups—mostly Kuki groups—violate Article 371C of the constitution, which grants the tribally predominate hill regions of Manipur limited administrative autonomy.
Another allegation has surfaced between accusations and denials, claiming that the removal of Hindu Meiteis residing in Christian tribal communities is part of a pre-planned scheme. Meitei organisations claim that Meities who had left their villages in the wake of the violence in the Churachandpur district had not come back. The Meiteis allegedly had to evacuate after several buildings were set on fire and stone-pelted by tribal members.
Unverified videos of houses on fire that supposedly belong to Meiteis have surfaced. According to reports, on Wednesday, criminals using high-tech weapons attacked and set ablaze Meitei Hindu homes. According to reports, about Hindus in Churachandpur’s Kuki-dominated neighbourhoods abandoned their houses and sought refuge at Indian Army and paramilitary camps close by. Hindu activists have asserted that the war is not between tribal and non-tribal groups but was instead started by Christian tribals who wanted to drive the Meiteis out of Christian-majority areas. They claim that on the day vice president Jagdeep Dhankhar visited Manipur, Christian tribals carried out an act that had been arranged in advance.
The Tribal Church Leaders’ Forum released a statement endorsing the tribal solidarity march, the Hindu activists point out. The Tribal Churches Leaders Forum (TCLF) unanimously decided to support the ‘Solidary March’ of ATSUM in a meeting conducted on May 1 in response to the call from ATSUM. In a statement, the ATSUM stated that the purpose of the solidarity march was to “collectively protect the social, political, and religious interests of the tribal people of Manipur.”
Manipur needs support. Manipur needs justice.
